![]() ![]() ![]() Second, the type of transition - whether by reform or ruptura - does not predict how ex-regime parties fared initially in East Central Europe. re-emerged after an interruption in democratic rule did not simply 'unfreeze' after the demise of communism. First, the political cleavages of the pre-authoritarian period that might have. On balance, the paper finds that new party systems seem to be developing differently in postcommunist regimes than they did in Southern and Western Europe. ![]() This article tests two propositions derived from European transitions to democracy on three countries in East Central Europe: Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. These findings suggest that civil rights NGOs might face substantive difficulties in trying to reduce discrimination through simple information campaigns. The intervention that reminded a random subset of local governments of their legal responsibility of equal treatment led to a short-term reduction in their discriminatory behavior, but the effects of the intervention dissipated within a month. In the audit experiment we demonstrated that Roma individuals were about 13 percent-points less likely to receive responses to information requests from local governments, and the responses they received were of substantially lower quality. To what extent can civil rights NGOs protect ethnic minorities against unequal treatment? We study this question by combining an audit experiment of 1260 local governments in Hungary with an intervention conducted in collaboration with a major Hungarian civil rights NGO. Our complex research project relies on the methods of correspondence studies as well as on N atural Language Proccessing (NLP). The goal of this project was to measure discrimination at local governments with correspondence studies. Precisely because it is the most inclusive form of politics, democracy needs the transparency that ideology can supply, and yet the ideology that should communicate politics to the people cannot avoid being systematically misleading. The most inclusive and accessible form of politics ever achieved is also the most opaque. Crudely stated, the paradox is that democratic politics does not and cannot make sense to most of the people it aims to empower. In this chapter I will argue that in order to understand populism we need to be aware of a complex and elusive paradox that lies at the heart of modern democracy. ![]() Certainly, there are difficulties in reconciling the project of giving power to the people with the drive to restrain power within constitutional limits, but concentration on this particular problem leaves unexplained the enduring strength of populist-democratic ideology and the ways in which it sustains populist movements. Analyses of populism often point to the tension within western democracy between this populist tradition and liberal constitutionalism. Although populist1 movements are usually sparked off by specific social and economic problems, their common feature is a political appeal to the people, and a claim to legitimacy that rests on the democratic ideology of popular sovereignty and majority rule. ![]()
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